Although I suspect that I’m probably among the last to read it, I ran
across Richard W. Fisher’s excellent speech to the Commonwealth Club
of California, earlier today. Called “Storms on the
Horizon”, it was delivered May 28 in San Francisco.
I think it’s worth a read by anyone; despite being a few months old at
this point, it’s still quite topical. His main focus is on
fiscal (as opposed to monetary) policy, which
hasn’t been getting very much attention lately. In particular, he
concentrates on the issue of unfunded Social Security and Medicare
liabilities, and the effect they will have on the overall government
budget deficit.
His general premise — that both Social Security and Medicare, but
especially the latter, cost tremendous amounts of money — is not very
controversial. Where he splits from the current administration’s
party line is over whether we’ll have the ability to pay for them in
the not-too-distant future without going into the red.
In keeping with the tradition of rosy scenarios, official budget
projections suggest [the current] deficit will be relatively
short-lived. They almost always do. […] If you do the math,
however, you might be forgiven for sensing that these felicitous
projections look a tad dodgy. To reach the projected 2012 surplus,
outlays are assumed to rise at a 2.4 percent nominal annual rate
over the next four years — almost double the rate of the past seven
years. Using spending and revenue growth rates that have actually
prevailed in recent years, the 2012 surplus quickly evaporates and
becomes a deficit, potentially of several hundred billion dollars.
That deficit is driven in large part by the costs of Social Security
and Medicare, which — especially when viewed long-term — are
staggering to behold. Fisher gives the net present value of only the
unfunded portion of both programs as $99.2 trillion USD; if paid
yearly (‘pay-as-you-go’) instead of up front, as they would in a
balanced budget, they represent 68% of current income tax revenue.
If that doesn’t give you immediate pause, it should. Particularly as
we seem to be headed for an economic downturn, that 68% will only
increase if income tax receipts decline. The bottom line is brutal:
No combination of tax hikes and spending cuts, though, will change
the total burden borne by current and future generations. For the
existing unfunded liabilities to be covered in the end, someone must
pay $99.2 trillion more or receive $99.2 trillion less than they
have been currently promised. This is a cold, hard fact. The
decision we must make is whether to shoulder a substantial portion
of that burden today or compel future generations to bear its full
weight.
Or, of course, the third path, the one no politician wants to mention:
cut back drastically on benefits. In reality I think it’s inevitable
that this will be a major part of any solution. Nothing else will
work, particularly if there’s a serious recession or depression. Fat
chance selling the American public on that, though, especially those
who have spent decades paying into a system that was supposedly for
their retirement, but was actually being looted by Congress for other
purposes.
Fisher warns against the temptation presented by the Mint:
We know from centuries of evidence in countless economies, from
ancient Rome to today’s Zimbabwe, that running the printing press
to pay off today’s bills leads to much worse problems later on. The
inflation that results from the flood of money into the economy
turns out to be far worse than the fiscal pain those countries hoped
to avoid. […] Even the perception that the Fed is pursuing a
cheap-money strategy to accommodate fiscal burdens, should it take
root, is a paramount risk to the long-term welfare of the
U.S. economy. The Federal Reserve will never let this happen. It is
not an option. Ever. Period.
This at least is reassuring — or, rather, it should be. But as
many have noted, the Fed has
essentially been playing the cheap-money game for a while, and
continues to play it today, by stoking the bubble economy with
bargain-basement interest rates. While this admittedly isn’t Zimbabwe
or Weimar Republic-style money printing, it certainly undermines the
Fed’s credibility when it claims to have long-term health rather than
short-term painlessness in mind.
Towards the end of the speech, Fisher points the finger at the place
where the buck really stops: voters.
When you berate your representatives or senators or presidents for
the mess we are in, you are really berating yourself. You elect
them. You are the ones who let them get away with burdening your
children and grandchildren rather than yourselves with the bill for
your entitlement programs.
However, I take a little issue with his conclusion:
Yet no one, Democrat or Republican, enjoys placing our children and
grandchildren and their children and grandchildren in harm’s
way. […] You have it in your power as the electors of our fiscal
authorities to prevent this destruction.
While I appreciate the sentiment (and his need to end on something
other than a doom-and-gloom note), I see no evidence to support his
assertion that either Democrats, Republicans, or the American public
at large have any problem burdening their children and grandchildren
in order to get a check cut today. Over and over again, we have seen
just that happen. Voters are only too happy to pay Tuesday for their
hamburgers today.
The voters have it in their power to prevent a disastrous fiscal
policy crisis from taking shape, but they haven’t done so thus far,
and I see little reason why that will change at the 11th hour.