Bruce Schneier has a new article about the NSA’s basically-all-but-confirmed stash of ‘zero day’ vulnerabilities on his blog, and it’s very solid, in typical Bruce Schneier fashion.
I won’t really try to recap it here, because it’s already about as concise as one can be about the issue. However, there is one thing in his article that I find myself mulling over, which is his suggestion that we should break up the NSA:
And as long as I’m dreaming, we really need to separate our nation’s intelligence-gathering mission from our computer security mission: we should break up the NSA. The agency’s mission should be limited to nation state espionage. Individual investigation should be part of the FBI, cyberwar capabilities should be within US Cyber Command, and critical infrastructure defense should be part of DHS’s mission.
Far be it from me to second-guess Schneier on most topics, but that just doesn’t seem to make a whole lot of sense. If the key problem is that vulnerabilities are being hoarded for offensive use rather than being shared with manufacturers (defensive use), it doesn’t seem like splitting those two missions into separate agencies is going to improve things. And the predictable result is that we’re then going to have two separate agencies working against one another, doing essentially the same research, looking for the same underlying vulnerabilities, for different aims. That seems… somewhat inefficient.
And if history is any guide, the U.S. will probably spend more on offensive armaments than on defense. Contrary to the Department of Defense’s name, since the end of WWII we have based our national-defense posture largely on a policy of force projection and deterrence-through-force, and I am highly skeptical that, as a nation, we’re going to suddenly take a different tack when it comes to “cyberwarfare” / IT security. The tension between offense and defense isn’t unique to IT: it exists in lots of other places, from ICBMs to vehicle armor, and in most cases U.S. doctrine emphasizes the offensive, force-projective capability. This is practically a defining element of U.S. strategic doctrine over the past 60 years.
So the net result of Schneier’s proposal would probably be to take the gloves off the NSA: relieve it of the defensive mission completely, giving it to DHS — which hardly seems capable of taking on a robust cyberdefense role, but let’s ignore that for the sake of polite discussion — but almost certainly emerge with its funding and offensive role intact. (Or even if there was a temporary shift in funding, since our national adversaries have, and apparently make use of, offensive cyberwarfare capabilities, it would only be a matter of time until we felt a ‘cyber gap’ and turned on the funding tap again.) This doesn’t seem like a net win from a defense standpoint.
I’ll go further, admittedly speculation: I suspect that the package of vulnerabilities (dating from 2013) that are currently being “auctioned” by the group calling themselves the Shadow Brokers probably owe their nondisclosure to some form of internal firewalling within NSA as an organization. That is to say, the sort of offensive/defensive separation that Schneier is seemingly proposing at a national level probably exists within NSA already and is related to why the zero-day vulnerabilities weren’t disclosed. We’ll probably never know for sure, but it wouldn’t surprise me if someone was hoarding the vulnerabilities within or for a particular team or group, perhaps in order to prevent them from being subject to an “equities review” process that might decide they were better off being disclosed.
What we need is more communication, not less, and we need to make the communication flow in a direction that leads to public disclosure and vulnerability remediation in a timely fashion, while also realistically acknowledging the demand for offensive capacity. Splitting up the NSA wouldn’t help that.
However, in the spirit of “modest proposals”, a change in leadership structure might: currently, the Director of the NSA is also the Commander of the U.S. Cyber Command and Chief of the Central Security Service. It’s not necessarily clear to me that having all those roles, two-thirds of which are military and thus tend to lean ‘offensive’ rather than ‘defensive’, reside in the same person is ideal, and perhaps some thought should be given to having the NSA Director come from outside the military, if the goal is to push the offensive/defensive pendulum back in the opposite direction.
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